The History
The old Oyo Empire held sway over the city of Ilorin in the 17th Century due to the strategic pursuit of Alaafin Ojigi. His ambition was to liberate the Igbomina Yoruba region from the clutches of the Nupe people, who were exploiting it as a source of slaves. This bold move was driven by a desire to end the exploitation and suffering of the Yoruba people in that area. In response to the Nupes’ oppressive actions, Alaafin Ojigi took decisive measures to challenge their control and establish authority over Ilorin, thereby disrupting the Nupes’ operations and securing the freedom of the Igbomina Yoruba community. The success of this endeavor not only weakened the Nupes’ hold on the region but also reinforced the Oyo Empire’s position as a formidable power in the area, showcasing the strategic and humanitarian dimensions of Alaafin Ojigi’s actions.
He established the first administrative structure to coordinate the scattered settlements later known as Ilorin. The first of the Oyo Ajele (Resident) to be appointed was Laderin. His son Pasin, who was also succeeded by his own son Alugbin, the father of Aare Afonja succeeded Laderin.
The personal animosity between Aare Afonja and Alaafin Aole which degenerated to show of strength between the two leading figures in the administration of Oyo Empire, culminated to the summary termination of Alaafin Aole and declaration of independence for Ilorin.
Aare Afonja’s effort to consolidate his power and position as the supreme authority in Ilorin. dictated two major actions that eventually played key roles in the historical changes witnessed in Ilorin. One of such action of the Aare was his contact with Shehu Alimi through his friend Sholagberu. The second was the Aare’s decision to recruit slaves who ran to Ilorin from their masters in Oyo town, after Ilorin had been declared independent of Oyo into his army.
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The first of the Aare’s steps was to seek spiritual support for his new position and status. He therefore persuaded Shehu Alimi to migrate into Ilorin town from Kuwo (a suburb of llorin) where he had then settled, after his Islamic evangelical mission to parts of Yoruba land, such as Oshogbo and even Oyo Ile’. It was for Aare’s persuasions that Shehu Alimi eventually migrated to llorin town.
On the recruitment of the slaves who ran to llorin as sanctuary, the Aare saw their presence in llorin as an advantage to have soldiers who does not have any relations with the local environment. Thereby, the question of betrayal would be out of the way. Given the circumstances of his declaration of independence for llorin from Oyo. Aare’s confidence and high regards for the slave soldiers soon result to its abuse.
The slave soldiers saw themselves as an important element to the survival of llorin as an independent entity. Therefore they resorted to committing atrocities and rapacity that hii’boun, the left wing commander of the Aare’s army, had to draw Aare’s attention to the implications of the excesses of the slave soldiers, who were commonly referred to as Aare’s servant.
Aare Afonja’s efforts to restructure the army with the aim of preventing further damages by the slave soldiers for their rapacity, mobilized the slave soldiers to organize a mutiny, which eventually resulted into Aare Afonja’s death.
The death of Aare Afonja in about 1813 naturally created vacuum in the political leadership of llorin. Given the fact that his slave- recruited soldiers killed him, and publicly burnt his corpse, and there was no ready counter force to evolve a new political leader. Ilorin had to remain in a state of interregnum for some time.
The Baba Isale. Agboin. was then very sick and could not mobilize a counter force to arrest the confusing situation’. On the part of Shehu Alimi, he concentrated on his cleric duties by leading a group of Muslims in daily prayers. The death of Shehu Alimi in about 1817. Four years after Aare Afonja’s death, was a turning point in the history of llorin. It opened a new course of events that culminated into the emergence of a new-political structure in the emirate.
Shehu Alimi, as a committed Islamic cleric, whose major duty was leading congregation in prayers as the Imam, certainly had no other position that could be inherited by his children. As an Imam, which is a religious position, was indeed not necessarily to be inherited by the family of the immediate past Imam. Any Muslim could actually vie for the position”. This situation explains why the contest for the position of the Imam held by Shehu Alimi in llorin, was contested for by AbdulSalami, Shehu Alimi’s first son, and Bako from Serikin Gambari’s family.
The support given to AbdulSalami by personalities such as Sholagberu and other prominent Yoruba group leaders close to Shehu Alimi, made AbdulSalami to be victorious over Bako. As the Imam of the mosque where the slave soldiers often congregate to perform their daily prayers, AbdulSalam and Shitta. his younger brother, were fast at establishing close relations with them”. It was by these relations that the slave soldiers were turned to be used to attack those that were accused of being unfriendly to AbdulSalami’s leadership in the mosque.
They intimidate those considered to be influential within Ilorin community and could checkmate their political ambition and attack settlements such as Okesuna, which on its own was an entity. The successful use of the slave soldiers by AbdulSalami and Shitta to terminate all form of oppositions to the realization of their political ambition in Ilorin, actually paved the way for the declaration of Ilorin as an emirate in about 1823.
An army was raised under Toyeje, the Bale of Ogbomoso, who succeeded Aare Afonja as Kakanfo. The army camped at Ogele, expecting to easily run over the Fulani authority in Ilorin. The Fulani had anticipated and prepared for the attack. They demanded that each of the Ihdogun should raise an army among their respective linguistic group to complement the Jammct22.
Having carefully studied the organizational weakness of the Yoruba army on the battled field, the llorin army concentrated on the use of calvary. This inflicted heavy human loses on the Yoruba army. A good number of Yoruba towns in the Ibolo areas were destroyed and some others were fully captured2″.
The defeat of the allied forces of the Yoruba was a morale booster for the emerging forces in llorin. On the other hand, the morale of the Yoruba allied forces waned because of the betrayal noticed amongst them. The tactical error on the part of the Yoruba allied forces was that they concentrated mainly on the military organization. They were not sufficiently diplomatic. Their situation would not have been as bad had they penetrated into the rank and file of Yoruba people that were aggrieved by acts of the Fulani, who imposed themselves as the authority in llorin.
The Mugbamugba War
After a short respite, the Yoruba re-organised and resolved to get rid of the Fulanis in llorin. This time, they went into alliance with Monjia, the King of Kabbah. The encounter took place between March and April, when the locust fruits were ripe for harvest. The lingering effects of the previous war were apparent: A good number of places were still deserted, while there were not enough farm that could sustain the long camping of the army. Both the besiegers and the besieged soon resorted to living on the locust fruit (Igba). Hence the war took its title ‘Mugba Mugba’.
Once again, the allied forces of the Yoruba were defeated. Their knowledge of how to deal with the power of llorin was still defective. The successive defeat of the Yoruba allied forces made them to loose the courage for launching further attack. On the other hand, the emirate army grew to be more confident and aggressive. Consequently, many more Yoruba towns and villages were destroyed and the peoples’ properties were looted by the ravaging army of llorin.
Two major factors were responsible for the success of the llorin army: superior use of the calvary and effective use of diplomacy. They penetrated the ranks of the Yoruba leaders to cause disaffection and personality clash amongst them. There was, for instance an intense rivalry between Toyese, the Kakanfo of Oyo at Ogbomoso and Adegun, the Onikoyi. The alliance of llorin with the Onikoyi eventually led to a war between the two.
The destruction of most of the Yoruba towns and villages by the victorious army of Ilorin. turned a good number of Yoruba who lived in them, refugees. They were scattered all over Yorubaland and this continued to be a source of worry for cities that had riot been touched by war. This explains why the Yoruba leaders could not live with the reality of Ilorin emirate army’s victories. Hence they recouped to launch another attack.
Kanla War
As a result of successive Ilorin victories over the Oyo forces, the powers and influence of the Alaafin of Oyo continued to dwindle to the point of their been limited to the capital. More and more of old Oyo empire’s provinces declared their independence from Oyo’s authority and tributes were no longer paid to the Alaafin. It was at this period of anarchy and confusion that Alaafin Amodo, one of the grandchildren of Alaafin Abiodun’s twin brother, came to the throne.
Understanding the situation as it was, the Alaafin began his reign by trying to consolidate the remaining loyalists to his institution and stretching arm of friendship to prominent chiefs around Oyo.
The Alaafin identified Lanloke. the Chief of Ogodo as one of such prominent and powerful chiefs. Ogodo, according to its historical origin used to be a Nupe town:”. But by the end of the 18th century, Yoruba migrants from Oyo had taken over the town for commercial reasons”‘. Ogodo grew to become a big commercial city that served as the exchange centre for the Yoruba and Nupe traders. They traded in different merchandise and thus the powers and influence of its ruler grew with its relevance.
Alaafin Amodo’s interest in Ogodo was to renew the blood ties with the Yoruba population in the town, use their influence and contacts to rebuild the powers of his institution. He gave out his daughter in marriage to Lanloke, the chief of Ogodo. Rather than appreciate this kind of gesture of Alaafin Amodo Lanloke grew to become more conscious of his new influence, powers and wealth. He treated Alaafin Amodo’s daughter with indignity and disrespect.
This was deliberately to spite her father as the Alaafin. At one of such contemptuous treatment of Alaafin Amodo’s daughter, Lanloke nearly beat his wife to the point of death”. Lanloke was neither remorseful for his act, nor appreciate the possible consequence of his action. He was rather boastful and care free about what the Alaafin would do. He allied with Ilorin, and assumed a more aggressive posture”.
With the support of Ilorin soldiers. Chief Lanloke attacked Oyo town and the city was sacked. Oyo thus became an Ilorin tributary. Alaafin Amodo became very bitter and depressed as a result of the humiliation he suffered and as a result of the destruction of Oyo. He remained very hopeful. He continued with the diplomatic efforts at fostering unity among the Yoruba chiefs that had been divided by jealousy and petty rivalry.
Alaafin Amodo eventually brought the divided Yoruba chiefs together and therefore raised a formidable force to engage the llorin army. The battle took place at Kanla. from where the battle took its name. The Yoruba chiefs were together physically, but they were spirits apart. The rivalry among them resulted in treachery. For instance, the Onikoyi was known to be sick and unfit to be on the field but the Edun of Gbogun deliberately encouraged him to man a weak point so that llorin army, which he had arranged with, could penetrate the Yoruba forces and rout them.
Already informed of the treachery in the Oyo camp, the Ilorin forces, merely mounted defences on the other fronts as they voraciously attacked from the Onikoyi’s front”‘. The Onikoyi was rounded up and killed. llorin quickly seized the opportunity to penetrate the Yoruba lines and drive the soldiers out of the battle field.
Many of the remaining towns and villages still loyal to the Alaafm were attacked, destroyed and deserted. Chief Oja, the first settler at Ago (the present day Oyo town), was among those that were drowned in river Ogun as they fled from the invading llorin forces. The recurring victory of llorin army over the allied forces of the Alaafin was naturally bound to boost the morale of the emirate army and its allies, yet successive Alaafin of Oyo were undaunted. Consequently they continued to recoup and re-launch attack against llorin.
The Eleduwe War
The distress that followed the last defeat of Oyo empire and its allies by the ravaging army of llorin and its allies was attributed to the depression of Alaafin Amodo, who eventually got ill and died. Prince Oluewu was unanimously elected as the new Alaafin’. Going by the process of selecting the preceding Alaafm of Oyo before Oluewu. potential candidates used to engage themselves in fierce contests that it was never possible to select an Alaafin by unanimous votes of the Oyo mesi, (Oyo empire’s king makers). This explains the very low morale of both the royal families and people. The position of the Alaafin had been reduced to titular institution, rather than the historically known Alaafin that does not only reign but ruled.
Alaafin Oluewu was fully aware of the situation at the time of his enthronement but like his predecessors, he was full of” hope and determination to reverse the situation. Alaafin Oluewu as a person, could be described as haughty and irritable in temperament. He however, acceded to the call when Emir Shitta of Ilorin. requested him (the Alaafin} to pay him the traditional homage of a vassal. The chiefs of Oyo and members of the royal family prevailed on Alaafin Oluewu to accede to the call of Emir Shitta. to save the capital and the remnant towns that still paid their allegiance to Oyo.
Emir Shitta received Alaafin Oluewu with every mark of honour and distinction; but he confiscated the Gbedu drum that was often beaten before an Alaafin to show his royalty. In the words of Emir Shitta: “there cannot be two kings in my domain but one only, and that is myself. By Emir Shitta’s statement, the Alaafin and his institutions were reduced to mere subjects of the ravaging foreigners based in Ilorin.
Alaafin Oluewu felt badly humiliated and insulted by the act of Emir Shitta. He refused to honour the second call on him by the Emir to come down to Ilorin. Not even the counsel by the both Basorun and Asipa could change his mind for the fear of the consequences on Oyo by Alaafin refusal to honour Emir Shitta’s call, both Akioso, the Basorun and Ailumo, the Asipa went against the express order of Alaafin Oluewu forbidding them to go.
The Emir was disturbed and, in fact, fell insulted by the refusal of Alaafin Oluewu to honour his call. The Emir therefore decided to punish the Alaafin. He ordered Lanloke the Chief of Ogodo to ravage the suburbs of Oyo and in fact threaten the city. Alaafin Oluewu was not unprepared. He had sought and got the support of the Bariba to subdue his enemies both within and without.
Those within were the Basorun and the Asipa who defied his instruction not to go on his behalf to Emir Shitta in Ilorin and those outside were the Fulani authority in Ilorin and their allies. With the alliance of the Bariba led by Eleduwe, Alaafin Oluewu was able to punish both the Asipa and the Basorun with death. He went further to attack Ogodo and raised down Gbodo. Ilorin army and its allies were defeated. They were pursued until they ran into the flooded Ogun River. Most of the Ilorin soldiers were drowned.
Alaafin Oluewu and his Bariba allies were naturally elated by their victory over the combined army of Ilorin and its allies. Therefore, he decided to summon warriors and chiefs all over the old Oyo empire’s territories. Alaafin Oluewu was unaware that some of these Yoruba chiefs he invited were, in alliance with Ilorin and all of them cherished their independence from Oyo’s authority. Alaafin Oluewu was of the belief that those in alliance with llorin were doing it out of necessity and not out of convenience.
He held the opinion that there was a general resentment of foreigner’s rule over llorin.
The immediate response of the Yoruba chiefs to Alaafin Oluewu’s confirmed his feelings that they would be glad to be free from the foreigner’s yolk. At a meeting of the war council chaired by Alaafin Oluewu and in which Eleduwe. the Bariba warrior and invited Yoruba chiefs were present the modus operandi for prosecuting the war to overrun llorin and reclaim the old Oyo empire’s territories were concluded. The Fulani authority in llorin was indeed distressed by the response to Oluewu’s assemblage of the Yoruba warriors and chiefs.
Being fully alive to the seriousness and the extent of florin’s defeat at Gbodo encounter, the Emir was desperate to avert the impending calamity on his territory and people. Added to the desperate moves of the Emir was the fear of the Bariba warrior, Eleduwe or Waru Kura, the commander of the Bariba ally of Oyo Empire. The llorin people referred to him as Ikoko (Wolf)” because he was commonly known for destroying every living being in the area he captured.
The Emir embarked on both internal and external moves to save the situation. On the external wing. Emir Shitta sent for assistance from the Sultan of Sokoto his suzerain. Ibrahim Khalil. the third Emir of Gwandu. personally led a joint force of Sokoto and Gwandu warriors to aid llorin.
On the local side, the Emir tried to identify individuals and groups of people among the Yoruba that had an axe to grind with the Alaafin. He was able to locate one Yusufu Bale, the progenitor of the present Alanamu family of llorin. Yusufu was a renowned warrior specially known for the manner in which he overcame his enemies. He physically beat the enemy to capture them, and was therefore fondly referred to as Alana-mu.
Yusufu Bale or Alana-mu considered his invitation to join the llorin army against the organized team of Alaafin Oluewu, as good opportunity to revenge the unfortunate circumstances under which he packed out of Oyo town and settled at Reke, a village not too far from llorin”‘. He supported llorin with his army, and was also involved in the diplomatic game, employed by the authority in llorin to play the Yoruba chiefs against one another”‘.
At the time llorin was preparing for the impending war with the combined forces of the Yoruba and the Bariba’s from all fronts, old rivalry, sharp differences and fears of Bariba domination were seriously drumming in the war camp assembled by Alaafin Oluewu. For instance, special privileges accorded to the Bariba by Alaafin made the Yoruba warriors fear that the Bariba would only be replacing the established Fulani hegemony already in Ilorin and that the Bariba dominance or rule over them will be real rather than mere rendering of assistance to engage Ilorin.
Most of the Yoruba chiefs assembled by Alaafin Oluewu to sack Ilorin, actually cherished their respective independence. Their fears were further compounded by the experience of their direct encounter with the Bariba, who had actually began to behave like the new lords of the Yoruba chiefs. They had no doubt that they would be treated later like a captured people after the war. This explains why some of them made up their minds to undermine the proclaimed interest of the joint Yoruba forces against Ilorin. At the heat of the battle. Prince Atiba of Ago and Timi.
Bamgbaiye of Ede. deliberately left the wing of their command, to make the penetration of Ilorin army possible. Both Alaafin Oluewu and the Bariba warrior Wan kura were therefore rounded up. Both of them fell in the battle ‘.
The death of Alaafm Oluewu. and the leader of the Bariba allied forces, Warikura, was indeed a turning point in the History of Ilorin as a sovereign state and power; the entire politics of Yorubaland and warfare that characterized the whole of the nineteenth century. The victory of Ilorin army in all its war encounters against Oyo army and its allies have subject of controversy among scholars and philosophers.
While some of them attributed the cause to high rate and degree of treachery exhibited by the Yoruba at a point of war, that their unity was crucial to their collective survival to the historical curse evoked by Alaafm Aole. that “Yoruba would never again be united and that they would be ruled by their slaves after his failure to get Aare Afonja and other prominent Oyo chiefs exterminated by sending them to attack Ilorin. Others see it as a normal trend in political evolution, that such rivalry, treachery and suspicion are prevalent in some other personal and group relations.
The news of the death of Warukura and Alaafin Oluewu readily aggravated the confusion in old Oyo. This led to the ex
odus of its inhabitants. The attack on old Oyo and remnants of places that still paid allegiance to the Alaafin by Lanloke the Chief of Ogodo. who had always been an inveterate enemy of Oyo and an active ally of Ilorin. accelerated the people’s migration to different directions.
While a good number of Oyo migrants went to Kisi. some others went to Igboho. A noticeable number even went to Ilorin”. Thus, Oyo was deserted and it went into ruins.
HOW AFONJA (YORUBAS) LOST ILORIN.
The rivalry between the Fulani and Afonja descendants over the throne of Ilorin is rooted in history.
While the Fulani rest the case of their claim to the kingship of the ancient town on the fact that the monarch had from the time immemorial been produced by them, the Afonja descendants, who like majority of the people of the town are Yoruba, say since their ancestor founded Ilorin, their claim to the throne ought not to be disputed.
History appears in support of the former’s position although the progenitor of the Fulani indigenes of Ilorin, Alimi, was actually a tenant to Afonja.
The death of Afonja and Alimi, however, saw the eldest son of the latter emerging as the first monarch of what was then known as Ilorin.
Historical sources, said Ilorin was founded by the Yoruba, one of the three largest ethnic groups in Nigeria, in 1450 by Ojo Isekuse and later made popular by Afonja ( 1820-23 ) the then Aare Ona Kakanfo (Generalisimo) to Alaafin of old Oyo (Oyo Ile), who used the town as his military outpost. The name Ilorin (ibitiwontilorin-where iron is being sharpened or forged) on a a big stone and where every farmers and hunters fine tune their tools (cutlass, hoe, arrow, knife) in front of a Yoruba man house called Bamidele. The relics of the historical stones still lie in the courtyard of Ile Bamidele till date.
Ojo-Isekuse escaped from Ganbe to Ilorin. This he did having faced extreme public derision and shame for cohabiting with his own daughter. Hence, Isekuse, meaning evil habit, was added to his original name. Ojo-Isekuse became a good hunter and established his hunting tent in Iorin. Emila, who some historians refer to as the great grand father of Afonja, arrived in Ilorin knowing that Ojo-Isekuse had secured a good hunting ground in Ilorin. He left his town, Ella, for Ilorin. Emila had a son, but Ojo had none.
It occurred that Ojo used to be dishonoured by Emila’s son whenever he sent him on an errand. Even the son used to ignore Ojo’s calling and so Ojo grew tired of such a deviant display by Emila’s son and withdrew himself to Shawo-Ile where he stayed until his death. In due course, Mallam Solagberu arrived Ilorin and he put up at Oke Suna. This was a few kilometres to the residence of Emila. In a short time, Afonja and his younger brother, arrived at Idi Ape from Otefon. Idi Ape was about 2.5 kilometres to Dada (Okelele) where Emila stayed.
Not long after the arrival of Afonja, some Fulani arrived from Iresa with their cows. The leader was called Olufadi, and he erected his tent at a place where a mosque is now, situated in front of the emir’s palace. He lived there with his people.
It was this outpost that he carried out his war expeditions for the Alaafin. In the usual nomadic wandering, Alimi arrived Ilorin and was hosted by Afonja. Soon after Alimi took Ilorin as his place of abode, a rift broke out between Alaafin and Afonja. When the disagreement reached the climax and the two had to take up arms, Afonja, out of regard for Alimi’s spiritual and military prowess, sought his support. Alimi helped in mobilising an army in support of Afonja leading to victory over Alaafin. The defeat led the then Alaafin migrating from old Oyo to the site now called Oyo.
Alaafin Aole and Aare Afonja case is a pathetic conspiracy and hypocritical one the led to the downfall of the duo. Oyo chiefs were envious of Afonjas war exploits and told Alaafin Aole many strange lies. Alaafin Aole had to send Afonja on a death mission to Iwere-Ile (no Aare go into war with Iwere-Ile and come back out of it alive) but Afonja sought spiritual power from a Malian Fulani man called Sheikh Soliu (aka Alimi) and won. Before Afonja came back from Iwere-Ile, Alaafin Aole had already known the truth. Aole needs to commit suicide (which he did with curses) because Afonja had returned from the death trap.
After the war, Alimi became a teacher to Afonja’s children as the latter wanted his offsprings to learn the secret of power. When both died, Alimi’s son, Abdulsalami, inherited his father’s duty of teaching Afonja’s children. When the idea of appointing somebody to head the village came, the eldest child of Afonja wanted to have the position but met opposition from Abdulsalami who had military support from his fellow Fulani kinsmen and indigent Muslim converts. This was after Sheu Alimi’s death. His son, Abdulsalam, earnestly yearned to rule Ilorin and clandestinely plotted against Afonja. In 1824, Abdulsalam’s men shot Afonja arrows till he breathed his last. He was shot so many arrows that his dead body remained suspended in upright position for a long while.
Afonja fell indeed like a hero. So covered was he with darts that his body was supported in an erect position upon the shafts of spear and arrows showered upon him. So much dread had his personality inspired that these treacherous Jamas whom he had so often led to victory could not believe he was really dead; they continued to shower darts upon him long after he had ceased fighting. They were afraid to approach his body, as if he would suddenly spring up and shake himself for the conflict afresh.Abdulsalami ultimately became the ruler of what is now called Ilorin around 1831.
The issue now is that Afonja’s descendants believe that their forefathers were cheated and want a redress. But the Alimi people are claiming that the Afonja people never ruled Ilorin and, as such, no precedence exists to back their position.
Historical sources said in 1895, the Yoruba rose against the then emir, burnt his palace and killed him. But the revolt did not result in enthronement of a Yoruba king. In 1913, when Lord Lugard administered the northern and southern Nigeria, Yoruba were said to have spearheaded a riot over tax to bring the rulership of the then emir to ridicule. In 1936, the Yoruba, according to sources, also moved to oust Emir Abdulkadir who was banished to Kaduna but got reinstated by the colonial administration.
In 1978, the George Innih administration of Kwara State raised a judicial panel of inquiry to look into the Yoruba agitation.
The Yoruba people reportedly made a case for the merging of Kwara State with the Southwest before the commission while also laying claim to the Ilorin throne. It was said they even claimed antecedent to the throne as they allegedly said Yoruba had produced four obas in Ilorin before the advent of the Fulani. But the Alimi people, in a counter position, claimed there was no known Yoruba king in the town before their forefather mounted the throne.
Every Yoruba indigine of Ilorin are Muslims and sees Alimi as their alfa/ sheikh and agreed to his philosophy of making the town an Islamic city.
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